UTJ signs coalition agreement with the Likud

Selling out to the ultra-Orthodox parties - what cost?

UTJ was one of the first parties to sign a coalition agreement with the Likud. What are the costs to the Israeli government and taxpayers associated with this agreement?

01/05/2015 01:52

Last night, the first of the coalition agreements with the religious parties was signed. After two years of a coalition government without the ultra-Orthodox parties, PM Netanyahu has clearly opted to realign with the two Haredi parties as the basis for his coalition, rather than genuinely attempt to create a broad-based, civil coalition with the Zionist camp / Labor.

Last night, the first of the coalition agreements with the religious parties was signed. After two years of a coalition government without the ultra-Orthodox parties, PM Netanyahu has clearly opted to realign with the two Haredi parties as the basis for his coalition, rather than genuinely attempt to create a broad-based, civil coalition with the Zionist camp / Labor.

This is not a mere political maneuver. This is a devastating choice, which we rush to report to you now that the agreement is signed, even as we know that matters of religious freedom and equality are going to suffer additional, severe blows in the next few days when the agreements with Shas and the Jewish Home are signed. We use the term “devastating” judiciously because it heralds three dramatic, eroding components:

• It represents the highway robbery of public coffers, estimated by some media sources to amount to some 4 billion NIS
• It represents the rollback of all progress made on non-fiscal matters of religion and state policy, which are widely supported by the public, as well as an overarching commitment of stagnation in any attempts to change legislation or policies aiming to bring Israel closer to its founding promise of religious freedom and equality (euphemistically called “upholding the status quo”)
• At a time when there is growing realization of the adverse impact of Israel’s non-pluralistic, religious policies on world Jewry, this agreement represents a clear message of disregard for Diaspora Jewry, which is bound to undermine ongoing efforts to strengthen the bonds between the next generation of world Jewry and Israel.

The full analysis is twelve pages long, but here are a few examples that illustrate the fiscal damage that will be done by this agreement:

• The multi-billion NIS additional funding that was stipulated in the agreement is intended to bring back the “good old days” of the government before last. Among the funds committed are many hundreds of millions of NIS funding for yeshiva students, much of which has been declared illegal by the Supreme Court because this represents preferential discriminatory use of public funds (the coalition agreement includes a provision to circumvent the Supreme Court ruling). All of this undermines national efforts to reduce subsidies in order create incentives for yeshiva students to seek gainful earning and not rely on welfare.
• According to the agreement, a representative of UTJ (Clearly MK Rabbi Gafni) will assume the chairmanship of the Knesset finance committee, and everybody in Israel knows what that means: MK Rabbi Gafni will once again be allowed to divert billions of NIS of government funding every year for yeshivas and other ultra-Orthodox institutions.
• The agreement stipulates revocation of all steps taken to reduce public funding of ultra-Orthodox schools that refuse to teach core curricular studies, which further encourages their ideological refusal to expose their students to general studies, thereby seriously handicapping their ability to ever integrate into the increasingly education-based workforce.
• The agreement removes eligibility criteria for subsidized housing that require the “realization of earning potential”

These funds will be provided to the sectarian United Torah Judaism party as payoff despite overwhelming public opposition (74%)

These are merely a few examples of provisions in the coalition agreement. It is important to further emphasize that these funds will be provided to the sectarian United Torah Judaism party as payoff despite overwhelming public opposition (74%, according to Hiddush polling [link]), including 57% of Likud voters; and this comes at a time when the treasury is seeking to cover the already existing anticipated deficits.

In non-fiscal matters of religion and state, all progress achieved will be rolled back in every area, such as:

• More lenient access to conversions
• Broader choice in selecting where to register for marriage in order to circumvent recalcitrant rabbinates.
• Preempting any possibility of limiting the Chief Rabbinate’s monopoly on kashrut
• Allowing for public transportation on Shabbat
• Conducting archeological research in areas where ancient bones may be found
• Stopping payments to Haredi educational institutions that have been caught cheating to obtain public funds
• Supporting a law that would allow Knesset to overrule Supreme Court decisions, which void laws as unconstitutional
• Castrating the new draft law so as to ensure that yeshiva students are not forced to share in the citizens’ responsibility for national security
• A commitment to pass counter legislation for any “harm” done to funding of ultra-Orthodox education as a result of Israel’s courts decisions
• Returning control over Israel’s health system to rabbi litzman once again, knowing that in his previous tour (term of office) he has interfered with medical decisions of hospitals forcing them, for instance, to continue resuscitating individuals who have been declared brain dead because his rabbis do not recognize brain death.

In addition to all of these specifics, what our readers may not realize, and many Israelis do not always recall is the anomalous phenomenon of UTJ politicians insisting upon positions as deputy government ministers, rather than full ministerial portfolios, which are they are entitled to. This is not due to modesty, but rather a theological position that refuses to recognize the legitimacy of the state of Israel or validate it by holding a ministerial post. They consistently reject the legitimacy of both Zionism and democracy as valid for the Jewish state. Nevertheless, being driven by a utilitarian approach, they have consistently sought the financial and legal benefits by participating in the “political game” by claiming a distinction between holding a ministerial position and taking part in the government’s collective responsibility for the state, and holding deputy ministerial positions or chairmanships of Knesset committees as somehow protecting them from that heretical responsibility.